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Recent research has demonstrated that despite sharing some attitudes consistent with the Republican Party, African-Americans still tend to support Democratic candidates (Kidd et al., Social Science Quarterly, 88: 165–176, 2007). ...
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Recent research has demonstrated that despite sharing some attitudes consistent with the Republican Party, African-Americans still tend to support Democratic candidates (Kidd et al., Social Science Quarterly, 88: 165–176, 2007). The current study represents a snapshot of political philosophies 2 weeks prior to the presidential election and actual voting behavior of a diverse sample. Factor analysis of a questionnaire measuring current political attitudes revealed five dimensions, which in turn, were shown to vary depending on political party affiliation and ethnicity. Results showed a detailed picture of exactly which attitudes African-Americans share with different political parties.
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University professors face numerous challenges, especially when teaching issues related to political behavior. Recent studies in Brazil have shown that technology, clarity of information and impartial debates in the classroom have...
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University professors face numerous challenges, especially when teaching issues related to political behavior. Recent studies in Brazil have shown that technology, clarity of information and impartial debates in the classroom have led to the development of more frequent political behaviors among Brazilian students. However, this research subject remains poorly addressed in Brazil. We investigated the development of political attitudes and political behavior of undergraduate students in Brasilia, Brazil. We applied questionnaires to students (N = 349) in undergraduate courses (social, exact and health sciences) of a public university in Brasilia (Federal District), capital of Brazil. Principal Components Analysis was used and three dimensions of political attitudes were created: (i) Degree of political knowledge Factor (PK), (ii) Positive Feelings about Politics Factor (PFP) and (ii) Negative Feelings about Politics Factor (NFP). The results suggest that students from social sciences undergraduate courses have a higher PK average in comparison to other student groups. Moreover, a linear regression model was developed for PFP factor. For PFP and NFP, the students from the social sciences areas were statistically significant (p < 0.05). Based on the outcomes of this study, we argue that it is essential for teachers to be aware of the importance of introducing themes related to political behavior in the classroom, considering the influence that political attitudes have on political behavior. It is the professor's role to stimulate impartial debate, free of personal preferences while presenting arguments from the students' arguments, in order to promote the scientific understanding of these subjects.
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People often express political opinions in starkly dichotomous terms, such as "Trump will either trigger a ruinous trade war or save U.S. factory workers from disaster." This mode of communication promotes polarization into ideolo...
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People often express political opinions in starkly dichotomous terms, such as "Trump will either trigger a ruinous trade war or save U.S. factory workers from disaster." This mode of communication promotes polarization into ideological in-groups and out-groups. We explore the power of an emerging methodology, forecasting tournaments, to encourage clashing factions to do something odd: to translate their beliefs into nuanced probability judgments and track accuracy over time and questions. In theory, tournaments advance the goals of "deliberative democracy" by incentivizing people to be flexible belief updaters whose views converge in response to facts, thus depolarizing unnecessarily polarized debates. We examine the hypothesis that, in the process of thinking critically about their beliefs, tournament participants become more moderate in their own political attitudes and those they attribute to the other side. We view tournaments as belonging to a broader class of psychological inductions that increase epistemic humility and that include asking people to explore alternative perspectives, probing the depth of their cause-effect understanding and holding them accountable to audiences with difficult to-guess views.
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The author reports results of a two-pronged experimental analysis of the influence of online political humor on the attitudes of 18- to 24-year-old college students. First an analysis of the control group of the relationship betwe...
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The author reports results of a two-pronged experimental analysis of the influence of online political humor on the attitudes of 18- to 24-year-old college students. First an analysis of the control group of the relationship between online humor viewing habits and political attitudes of youth is presented. Consistent with the elaboration likelihood model of persuasion, online political humor viewership had a negative effect on trust in political institutions and evaluations of President George W. Bush. The author then presents results of the online experiment, measuring the effects of an online first-person parody of Bush starting his second term in office from JibJab.com. The clip had a negative effect on trust in political institutions among members of the experimental group. However, it had a positive effect on evaluations of the president's evaluations. This is likely because the JibJab clip differs in form from most online humor, functioning as a form of self-deprecating humor.
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In the 2004 presidential election, a majority of men (54%) voted to reelect George W. Bush, but a minority of women (48%) supported Bush at the polls. The gender gap was also evident in races for the U.S. House and the U.S. Senate...
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In the 2004 presidential election, a majority of men (54%) voted to reelect George W. Bush, but a minority of women (48%) supported Bush at the polls. The gender gap was also evident in races for the U.S. House and the U.S. Senate in 2004. In addition, there is a persistent and significant difference in policy preferences and political priorities among men and women. Taken together, the evidence clearly indicates that men and women currently view politics in the United States differently. What factors help explain these differences? In the present study, we examined whether boys and girls view politics differently. We interviewed eighth-grade students from six middle schools in Maricopa County, AZ in the spring of 2003 and 2004. Our results indicate that the gender gap in policy and partisanship is established early, before children reach adulthood. This suggests that the persistent gender gap in adult views about politics is rooted, at least partially, in gender differences during childhood socialization.
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In November 2007, seven neuroscientistsand political consultants published anopinion-editorial (op-ed) article in theNew York Times in which they made predic-tions about how swing voters would reactto the candidates in the Democra...
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In November 2007, seven neuroscientistsand political consultants published anopinion-editorial (op-ed) article in theNew York Times in which they made predic-tions about how swing voters would reactto the candidates in the Democratic andRepublican Primaries for the US Presidency(lacoboni et al, 2007). The intriguing aspectof their predictions was that the authors hadused functional magnetic resonance imaging(fMRI) to measure the response of their testsubjects' brains to videos and photographs ofHillary Clinton, Mitt Romney, Rudy Giulianiand the other candidates. On the basis ofwhich areas of the brain showed increasedor decreased activity, the scientists deter-mined how each person had reacted anddeduced the acceptability of the Primarycandidates to undecided voters in general.But, perhaps most intriguingly, none of thisresearch had been—or has been—publishedin a peer-reviewed journal.
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? 2021 Elsevier LtdThere has been recent attention to the political divide between urban and rural voters in the United States. It is possible that as rural and urban voting behavior has diverged, this has been driven by increasin...
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? 2021 Elsevier LtdThere has been recent attention to the political divide between urban and rural voters in the United States. It is possible that as rural and urban voting behavior has diverged, this has been driven by increasing social conservatism among rural voters. However, given that the average American is not ideologically constrained nor stable, this may not be the case. Using data from the 2010–2014 Cooperative Congressional Election Study Panel Study, this analysis compares the ideological constraint and stability of rural, suburban, and urban Americans. The results show that there has not been a divergence in rural, suburban, and urban ideologies or issue opinions in recent years. Rural and suburban respondents are more conservative than urban respondents on average, but they are not consistent conservatives, and their presidential votes are not primarily driven by a consistent set of conservative issue opinions.
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This study examines the political attitudinal profile of Latinos in the contemporary United States and the implications of Latinos' political connectedness for their electoral participation. Relying on data from The Washington Pos...
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This study examines the political attitudinal profile of Latinos in the contemporary United States and the implications of Latinos' political connectedness for their electoral participation. Relying on data from The Washington Post/Henry J. Kaiser Foundation/Harvard University National Survey on Latinos in America (1999), it considers Latinos' levels of efficacy, trust in government, civic duty, attention to politics, and strength of partisanship and whether these differ from those of Anglos. The study also assesses what factors structure these political attitudes and the impact of these attitudes on voter registration and turnout among the registered. Controlling for social location and circumstances, Latinos are distinctive in their political attitudinal profile. Hispanic Americans are more trusting of the federal government and more externally efficacious than are Anglos but also are associated with lower levels of internal efficacy and civic duty and pay less attention to politics. Attachment to a political party is a powerful predictor of Latinos' likelihood of registering and turning out to vote. On balance, Hispanic Americans do not suffer from a marked political resource deficit as a consequence of their attitudinal profile.
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This study aims to clarify the interrelationships among political attitudes, Internet use, and political participation, and to develop a path model in which interrelationships among various concepts can be clarified and modified t...
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This study aims to clarify the interrelationships among political attitudes, Internet use, and political participation, and to develop a path model in which interrelationships among various concepts can be clarified and modified to provide a more integrated theoretical formulation. The study tested two path models. The first model assumed that demographics lead to political attitudes, then to the political use of the Internet, and eventually to political participation. The second model assumed that political use of the Internet precedes political attitudes, and then attitudes lead to political participation. The results show that the data correspond better to the second model than to the first; political use of the Internet promotes political interest and feelings of trust and efficacy, and makes an individual more likely to participate in campaigns and politics. The paper also discusses directions for future research.
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The rise of political consumerism among young citizens as a means of promoting social change has sparked debate among scholars regarding the civic potential of such political practices enacted in the private sphere of everyday lif...
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The rise of political consumerism among young citizens as a means of promoting social change has sparked debate among scholars regarding the civic potential of such political practices enacted in the private sphere of everyday life. In particular, disagreement has centred on whether and the degree to which political consumerism privatizes politics and distracts citizens from collective engagement in the public sphere. The present research argues that understanding what drives political consumerism is key to resolving this debate. Accordingly, it draws across the multidisciplinary literature on political consumerism to identify the various symbolic motivations that underlie consumers' use of ethical purchase considerations. Functional theory of attitudes is then applied as a framework for theorizing these motivations, and a scale is developed to measure value-expressive, social-identification and social-approval motivations for political consumerism. The first two studies demonstrate the subscales are reliable and have good convergent and discriminant validity, and the third study demonstrates that increasing the salience of a particular motivation through the use of strategic messages alters how it relates to the use of ethical purchase considerations as well as broader involvement in a social cause. The significance of this research for understanding how political consumerism connects to broader participation in lifestyle movements is discussed.
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